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On the 1st of December, 2020, for the launch of the report From Promise to Action : The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations declared that “Many of those providing essential health and care services are migrant women. They must no longer be invisible”[1]. Indeed, the COVID crisis has revealed that migrants, and especially migrant women, are part of the essential workers[2], but they are still left behind by gender-blind migration policies. Thus, taking a gender perspective on migration policies is important because “It enables policy-makers to develop policies with an understanding of the socio-economic reality of women and men and allows for policies to take (gender) differences into account”[3]. Therefore, it is done to achieve gender equality, which is the Fifth Sustainable Development Goal[4] adopted by the United Nations Member States, included the European Union, in 2015[5]. As the European Institute for Gender Equality highlights:

“Gender equality implies that the interests, needs and priorities of both women and men are taken into consideration, recognizing the diversity of different groups of women and men. Gender equality is not a women’s issue but should concern and fully engage men as well as women. Equality between women and men is seen both as a human rights issue and as a precondition for, and indicator of, sustainable people-centred development”[6]

Therefore, gender equality as a standard for sustainable development is recognized, but not always applied in European policies, and especially the migration ones. They are often “one-size-fits-all approach(es)”[7] that do not take into account that migrant groups are highly diverse, and especially when we take men and women. Indeed, men and women are not going to experience the same difficulties on the migration routes, or when it comes to integration. Therefore, migration policies will not have the same effects on different groups, and in this case on men or women.

It is why in this article we will try to demonstrate that taking a gender perspective in the policy-making field, and especially in European migration policies, leads to more gender sensitive and efficient policies, and helps achieving gender equality.

Gender mainstreaming in the European Union

What is gender mainstreaming?

Gender mainstreaming “involves the integration of a gender perspective into the preparation, design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies, regulatory measures and spending programmes”[8]. It is not so much as a goal but more as a method to achieve the goal, which is gender equality. It is about changing the procedures, in order to modernize the policy-making process. Gender mainstreaming helps to think about policies that will take into account the different needs of men and women. An example of gender mainstreaming in urban policies is to put “additional lighting (…) to make walking at night safer for women”[9].

This new way of thinking the policy making process emerged when policy makers realized that taking gender as a separate issue does not work, since gender inequalities are present in different areas, such as in the labor market, in migration, in politics, or even in urban planning. Hence, the need to take a gender perspective when drafting policies.

Gender mainstreaming in the European Union

In the European Union, gender mainstreaming is taken into account both in the European Commission and the European Parliament.

In the European Commission, the Directorate-General for Justice and Consumers, is in charge of implementing gender mainstreaming across all Directorate-Generals of the Commission. Its Gender Equality Unit (Unit D.2), led by Irena Moozova[10], the current director for Equality and Union Citizenship, is in charge of helping other DGs to include a gender perspective in their activities, and oversees the Inter-Service Group on Gender Equality (ISG). This Inter-Service counts members from all Commission’s DGs and services, and “coordinates the implementation of actions for equality between women and men in the policies and annual work programmes for their respective policy areas”[11].

Besides, on March 5th, 2020, the Commission released its Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025, reinforcing the Commission willingness to integrate gender mainstreaming in the Commission’s work. As it puts forward, “The implementation of this strategy will be based on the dual approach of targeted measures to achieve gender equality, combined with strengthened gender mainstreaming”[12]. It also includes an intersectional gender approach in its strategy, because “Women are a heterogeneous group and may face intersectional discrimination based on several personal characteristics”[13].

As for the European Parliament, the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) is one of the parliamentary committees of the European Parliament. According to the European Institute for Gender Equality, “FEMM plays a crucial role in advancing gender equality in the EU through legislating and influencing the European political agenda in the area of equality between women and men and women’s rights”[14].

European institutions have acknowledged the need for gender equality. Consequently, they try to integrate gender perspective in all policies. However, in the field of migration, gender inequalities still remain.

Gender inequalities in the field of migration: how to overcome them?

Migrant women, as immigrants, asylum seekers or refugees, experience gender inequalities in the different steps of their journey. We will expose three different domains where migrant women face gender inequalities: on the migration routes and reception, accommodation and detention facilities, regarding international protection, and when it comes to socio-economic integration in the host country.  

Migration routes and reception, accommodation and detention facilities

Gender-based violence and trafficking on migration routes

Migrant women and girls, both asylum seekers of migrant workers, experience gender inequalities on migration routes. During their journey, they face many dangers related to gender-based violence[15]. From sexual harassment to rape and trafficking in persons, they live in constant insecurity. For example, “Hala, a 23-year-old woman from Aleppo, told Amnesty International: « At the hotel in Turkey, one of the men working with the smuggler, a Syrian, told me that if I slept with him, I wouldn’t pay or I would pay less. Of course, I said no, it was disgusting. We all experienced the same thing in Jordan.””[16]. Besides, according to The 5th Review of the Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in the EU Member States draft report, “In Ireland, a study on separated migrant girl children found 60 % of them to be victims of sexual or other form of violence”[17].

Regarding trafficking in person, both women and men migrants are vulnerable regarding “trafficking, forced labour or grave exploitation, such as (…) sex slavery”[18]. However, women and girls remain the most vulnerable when it comes to trafficking in persons (Figure 1)[19], and especially when these women and girls are migrants. For example, “in 2017 the IOM reported that Italy had experienced an almost 600% increase since 2014 in the number of potential victims of trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation arriving through the Central Mediterranean route, mostly Nigerian girls aged 15 to 17 years”[20].

Taking a gender perspective on trafficking permits to understand that men and women, and especially migrants, are affected by trafficking, modern slavery or exploitation in different ways. According to David and al., “Whereas women are disproportionately victims of forced labour in the private economy (including in domestic work and in commercial sexual exploitation) and forced marriage, men are disproportionately subject to state- imposed forms of forced labour, (…) as well as to forced labour in the construction, manufacturing and agriculture sectors”[21].  Thus, gender mainstreaming is important, in order to respond to men and women migrants’ different vulnerabilities in a proper manner.

Insecurity and gender-blind reception, accommodation and detention facilities

Migrant women and girls, when they managed to overcome the obstacles of the migration routes and reach Europe, still face gender inequalities or gender-based violence and insecurity in accommodation, reception and detention facilities. A lot of reception facilities do not have separate areas for men and women, leading the latter to feel insecure. For example, “Reem, 20, who was traveling with his 15-year-old cousin, said : »I never slept in the camps. I was too afraid that someone would touch me. The tents were all mixed and I witnessed violence (…) I felt safer when I was on the move, especially on a bus, the only place I could close my eyes and sleep. In the camps, there is so much risk of being touched, and the women can’t really complain and don’t want to cause problems that could disrupt their journey.””[22].

Besides, a lot of migrant women, due to their culture or husbands, do not feel comfortable being treated by male doctors, or dealing with male staff. For instance, in the Borići site in Bosnia and Herzegovina, “it was not uncommon for them (migrant women) or for their husbands to refuse medical consultations by male doctors, especially gynecologists. In the absence of female specialists, access to healthcare for refugee and migrant women remains difficult”[23].

What can be implemented to deal with these specific problems that women and girls face as migrants?

The case of Belgian reception centers gives an example of how gender mainstreaming can be used in migration policy. To respond to gender inequalities and give gender sensitive reception conditions, in Belgium there are “70 places in 21 apartments for single women with children and 40 places in a specialized center for unaccompanied pregnant girls and young mothers”[24]. It permits to provide these women and girls the assistance they need in safe conditions and designed treatments for their specific needs.

International protection

Article 1 paragraph 2 of the 1951 Refugee Convention defines the term “refugee” as follow :

“As a result of events occurring before 1 January 1951 and owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion is out- side the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country ”[25]

Consequently, in order to being granted international protection, an asylum seeker needs to face persecution in its country of origin. However, women and men can face different forms of persecution. Different women asylum seekers are fleeing gender-based violence. Thus, the human rights law needed to evolve and recognize these specific violence, targeted against women, such as Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) or forced marriage, as persecution. It led the Council of Europe to adopt, on April 7th, 2011, the Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, named also the Istanbul Convention. It recognizes gender-based violence as persecution, and so as grounds for a refugee status. Article 60 paragraph 1 states that :

“Parties shall take the necessary legislative or other measures to ensure that gender-based violence against women may be recognised as a form of persecution within the meaning of Article 1, A (2), of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and as a form of serious harm giving rise to complementary/subsidiary protection.”[26]

However, these specific cases of persecution are not always well assessed when women arrive at asylum seekers facilities, leading to a lack of support and protection to these women and girls. Besides, the lack of female trained staff, capable of dealing with these specific experiences, can lead women and girls to not talk about their experience because of “cultural norms, language barriers or lack of information about their rights, trauma or shame”[27].

Nevertheless, some EU Member States have taken measures to ensure international protection to the survivors of gender-based violence. France is one of the countries that has tried to acknowledge and make easier the grant of refugee status on gender-based violence grounds. For example, “The French National Court of Asylum (CNDA) held that in countries where there is a high prevalence of female genital mutilation such as Nigeria, non-excised persons can be considered as having a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of membership of a particular social group”[28].

However, if some States have ratified the Istanbul Convention, others are not bound by it because they did not ratify it (Figure 2)[29].

Thus, ratifying the Convention would be a first step to protect migrant women from gender-based violence. Besides, further improvements need to be made from the EU as a whole, and not just some Member States, regarding the treatment of asylum seekers and refugees in facilities and the assessment of their claims.

Socio-economic integration

            Social integration

As refugees or migrants, women can face specific difficulties to integrate in the host country’s society. Indeed, in order to facilitate the integration, these women need networks. However, “women have far fewer networks than men”[30], and so it is more difficult for them to integrate in the society. Besides, they can face discrimination that prevent them to integrate socially. It is one of the aspects of migration policy where an intersectional analysis is relevant. Indeed, race, religion or class of migrant women can lead to distrust among the host country’s population[31].  Moreover, a lot of women arrive in a country through family reunification[32]. Therefore, these women are dependent on the member of family that brought them (most of the time the husband or a man), and so sometimes, they do not have their own income, or they have to keep their role as the housekeeper. It prevents them to have proper host country’s language trainings, or possibilities to have a job. According to the Liebig and Tronstad, “Compared with refugee men, refugee women frequently receive less integration support, both in terms of hours of language training and active labour market measures”[33]. Coupled with the fact that a large proportion of refugee women has little or no “educational attainment”[34], the socio-economic integration of female migrants or refugees remain an issue for policy-makers in the field of migration.

Integration in the labor market

Factors preventing the employability of female migrant

This lack of integration in the society, the lack of language training or labor market measures add more difficulties for women immigrants or refugees to integrate in the labor market. Indeed, in general, migrants and refugees face a lot of obstacles to enter the labor market or benefit from the rights that are entitled to workers. Women immigrants or refugees face these obstacles, but as women, the difficulties to integrate economically are multiplying. Indeed, they hold the role of child bearer or housekeeper, and so they have more barriers and less time, or less opportunities to focus on integration measures.

For example, in Sweden, prior to the 2010 reform that introduced a new introduction programme to improve gender equality in the integration of both women and men refugees, it was noticed that women refugees “were offered fewer hours of language training, they participated in fewer follow-ups and got less labour market training compared to refugee men (Anderson et al. 2016, see also Swedish Integration Board, 2002). Poor health and childcare were the main reasons for women’s non-participation”[35]. It is why, in 2010 the Swedish government introduced a gender perspective in its migration policy and implemented a programme with diverse gender sensitive instruments to integrate women in the labor market,  such as an “individualised allowance for participation (…) (that) gave women their own income from participation in the programme”[36]. However, it was not enough, and it is why “For 2017-18, the Swedish Public Employment Service launched an Action Plan aimed at increasing the employment of refugee and other foreign-born women, including through more information and follow-up measures”[37]. It increased employment rates among female migrants and refugees. Besides, another proposal was, for women coming as immigrant through family reunification, to provide “pre-integration measures”[38] during their waiting period abroad.

Discrimination that female migrants face in the workplace

Besides, when women immigrants or refugees manage to find a job, most of the time it is in “unregulated sectors”[39], such as “agriculture, domestic work, services, and the sex industry”[40]. In these sectors, there is a lack of labor standards, when they exist at all, and labor inspection is often inexistent. Therefore, according to Patrick Taran, female migrants face ““triple discrimination” — as women, as unprotected workers, and as migrants”[41].

The domestic work sector is an illustration of the discrimination migrant women can face in the labor market. Female migrants represent 73,4% of the migrant domestic workers (Figure 3)[42].

According to the FRA – European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights’ 2015 report on Severe labour exploitation: workers moving within or into the European Union, exploitation of domestic workers or the lack of labor standards is so common that it is often not considered as a breach of human rights. The report highlights that “Such workers are seen as voluntarily accepting – albeit because of their poverty and marginalisation – work under conditions that are exploitative”[43]. Hence, when undocumented, female migrants do not denounce the abuses they face because of the fear to be sent back to their country of origin. Even when they are documented, women do not report abuses because they need an income, and their precarious status make it more difficult to find another job. Therefore, it is a vicious circle where the precarious status of these women reinforced their exploitation by employers.  For example, according the FRA report’s case study “In Ireland, a Nigerian girl worked for a family, taking care of the family’s child, and was prohibited from contacting her family or any other person. Her physical movements were restricted by her employer. When she complained, her employer threatened to have her returned to Nigeria”[44].

Including a gender perspective in migration policies to overcome these challenges would mean, according to the FRA to :

  • Raise awareness and promote “a climate of zero tolerance of labor exploitation”[45]
  • Monitor and conduct more workplace inspections[46]
  • Give access to justice for the victims, by “encouraging victims to report”[47] through the “granting of residence permits”[48], for instance.

An illustration of these suggestions’ implementation can be found in Vienna, where UNDOK- Anlaufstelle zur gewerkschaftlichen Unterstützung Undokumentiert Arbeitender, a counselling center for undocumented workers, has been created in 2014. This center informs undocumented workers of their rights in Austria, provide legal assistance and helps with labor and social law affairs[49].

  • The case of highly skilled female migrants

Highly skilled migrant women face also gender inequalities, since they often end up in jobs that require lower skills than they have. This phenomenon is called deskilling, when someone has a job that do not require the full extent of its capacities and skills. It is due to the migrant status that leads to a “lack of recognition of degrees obtained abroad, low value given to professional experience acquired before migration or lack of demand for their specific skills, or discrimination based on gender and ethnicity”[50].

A response to this deskilling phenomenon can be found in Germany with the PerMenti project. It “supports newly immigrated women, especially refugees with a higher education level or work experience, in planning their professional careers while they learn German and attend integration courses”[51]. Providing a specific assistance to the different kind of female migrants permits to have a better impact on their integration, and to be more efficient in improving their situation.

Gender mainstreaming in the European external response to immigration

We have seen that the European Union and its Member States try to integrate a gender perspective in their migration policies. However, in practice it needs to go further regarding the EU internal response to immigration, and especially it needs to be part of the broader European strategy on migration. Looking at the Commission’s communication on the New Pact on Migration and Asylum[52], gender issues seem be not enough considered. This gender mainstreaming is possible and has particularly been implemented in the EU external response to immigration, through its development policies.

For example, aside from the DG for Justice and Consumers that coordinated all the DGs’ work for gender equality, the DG for Development and Cooperation (DEVCO) is the only DG with a unit specific for gender issues (the Gender Equality, Human Rights and Democratic Governance Unit)[53]. This focus on gender in development is seen, for example, in the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF). It was implemented in 2015, just after the “new Action Plan for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment entitled Transforming the Lives of Girls and Women through EU External Relations for 2016-2020 (commonly referred to as GAP II) and the Strategic Engagement for Gender Equality”[54]. Several instruments to promote gender in the EUTF were implemented such as “gender analysis tailored to (the) country(‘s) context” or the use of sex-disaggregated data[55], showing the willingness of the EU to promote gender in its external response.

As Cascone and Knoll highlight, this example shows that the EU is more and more considering gender mainstreaming and acknowledging gender inequalities in its policies. Although in this project some gender inequalities still remain[56], it shows that some progress has been made and that these efforts need to be broadened and intensified.

Therefore, as we have seen throughout this article, one-size-fits-all policies are not efficient, especially in the migration field, because migrants are a highly diverse group. Taking a gender perspective on migration permits to acknowledge that men and women migrants do not face the same issues, and even female migrants are a diverse group. Thus, gender mainstreaming is needed in migration policies, because it provides a tailored response to the specific challenges these different groups face. By integrating this gender and intersectional analysis, policies are more efficient, and will have a stronger impact on the group targeted. However, if the EU has tried to integrate gender in its migration policies, efforts need to go further, and improvements need to be made.

Glossary

These definitions come from : European Institute for Gender Equality, “Concepts and Definitions”, European Institute for Gender Equality website, 2020

Gender :

“Gender refers to the social attributes and opportunities associated with being male and female and the relationships between women and men and girls and boys, as well as the relations between women and those between men. (…) Gender determines what is expected, allowed and valued in a woman or a man in a given context. In most societies there are differences and inequalities between women and men in responsibilities assigned, activities undertaken, access to and control over resources, as well as decision-making opportunities”

Gender equality :

“This refers to the equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities of women and men and girls and boys. Equality does not mean that women and men will become the same but that women’s and men’s rights, responsibilities and opportunities will not depend on whether they are born male or female”

Gender blindness:

“This term refers to the failure to recognize that the roles and responsibilities of men/boys and women/girls are assigned to them in specific social, cultural, economic, and political contexts and backgrounds. Projects, programs, policies and attitudes which are gender blind do not take into account these different roles and diverse needs. They maintain the status quo and will not help transform the unequal structure of gender relations.”

Gender perspective:

“An analysis from a gender perspective helps to see whether the needs of women and men are equally taken into account and served by [a] proposal. It enables policy-makers to develop policies with an understanding of the socio-economic reality of women and men and allows for policies to take (gender) differences into account”

Gender mainstreaming:

“The systematic consideration of the differences between the conditions, situations and needs of women and men in all Community policies and actions”

Intersectional gender approach :

“Social research method in which gender, ethnicity, class, sexuality and other social differences are simultaneously analysed”

Sex-disaggregated data :

“Sex-disaggregated statistics are data collected and tabulated separately for women and men. They allow for the measurement of differences between women and men on various social and economic dimensions and are one of the requirements in obtaining gender statistics”

Dual Approach to gender equality :

“Dual approach refers to complementarity between gender mainstreaming and specific gender equality policy and measures, including positive measures. It is also referred to as twin track strategy.”


[1] Guterres, António, « Secretary-General’s video message for the launch of the Report “From Promise to Action: The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration””, United-Nations Secretary General, New-York, 1 December 2020

[2] Foley, Laura & Piper, Nicolas, “COVID-19 and women migrant workers : Impacts and implications”, International Organization for Migration, August 2020, p.3

[3] European Institute for Gender Equality, “Concepts and Definitions”, European Institute for Gender Equality website, 2020

[4]Sustainable Development Goals, “Take action for the Sustainable Development Goals”, United Nations, 2020

[5]United Nations Development Programme, “What are the Sustainable Development Goals”, UNDP, 2020

[6] European Institute for Gender Equality, “Concepts and Definitions”, European Institute for Gender Equality website, 2020

[7]Deputy Director General, “A One-Size-Fits-All Approach to International Migration is Doomed to Fail”, International Organization for Migration, Geneva, 21 September 2012

[8] European Institute for Gender Equality, “What is gender mainstreaming”, European Institute for Gender Equality website, 2020

[9] Foran, Clara, “How to Design a City For Women”, Bloomberg CityLab, 16 September 2013

[10]European Commission, « EU Whoiswho », Publications Office of the European Union, 2020

[11]European Institute for Gender Equality, “What is gender mainstreaming”, European Institute for Gender Equality website, 2020

[12]European Commission, “COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS A Union of Equality: Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025- COM/2020/152 final”, EUR-Lex, 5 March 2020

[13] Ibid

[14]European Institute for Gender Equality, “What is gender mainstreaming”, European Institute for Gender Equality website, 2020

[15]“ GBV is violence directed against a person because of that person’s gender or violence that affects persons of a particular gender disproportionately”, European Commission, “What is gender-based violence?”, European Commission website, 2020

[16]Free translation of the author, « Hala, une jeune femme de 23 ans originaire d’Alep, a déclaré à Amnesty International :« À l’hôtel en Turquie, un des hommes travaillant avec le passeur, un Syrien, m’a dit que si je couchais avec lui, je ne paierais pas ou que je paierais moins. Bien entendu, j’ai dit non, c’était dégoûtant. Nous avons toutes connu la même chose en Jordanie » », Amnesty International, « Les femmes réfugiées risquent agressions, exploitation et harcèlement sexuel lors de leur traversée de l’Europe », Amnesty International website, 18 January 2016

[17]General Secretariat of the Council of the European Union, “Beijing +25- The 5th Review of the Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in the EU Member States draft report”, Council of the European Union, 4 October 2019, p.134 

[18]Hennebry, Jenna, Grass, Will, and McLaughlin, Janet, “Women migrant workers’ journey through the margins : labour, migration and trafficking”, UN Women, New York, November 2016, p.68

[19] United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, “Global Report on Trafficking in persons 2018”, United Nations, December 2018, p.26

[20]Council of Europe Gender Equality Strategy, “Protecting the rights of migrant, refugee and asylum-seeking women and girls”, Council of Europe, 2019, p. 9

[21]David, Fiona, Bryant, Katharine, and Joudo Larsen, Jacqueline, « Migrants and their vulnerability: to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour”, International Organization for Migration, 2019, p.37

[22]Free translation of the author, « Reem, 20 ans, qui voyageait avec son cousin âgé de 15 ans, a dit :« Je n’ai jamais dormi dans les camps. J’avais trop peur que quelqu’un me touche. Les tentes étaient toutes mixtes et j’ai été témoin de violences […] Je me sentais plus en sécurité lorsque j’étais en mouvement, en particulier dans un bus, le seul endroit où je pouvais fermer les yeux et dormir. Dans les camps, il y a tellement de risques de se faire toucher, et les femmes ne peuvent pas vraiment se plaindre et ne veulent pas causer de problèmes susceptibles de perturber leur voyage. » », Amnesty International, « Les femmes réfugiées risquent agressions, exploitation et harcèlement sexuel lors de leur traversée de l’Europe », Amnesty International website, 18 January 2016

[23]Council of Europe, “Report of the fact-finding mission by Ambassador Tomáš Boček,
Special Representative of the Secretary General on migration and refugees, to Bosnia and Herzegovina and to Croatia 24-27 July and 26-30 November 2018 – Information Documents SG/Inf(2019)10”, Council of Europe, 23 April 2019, p.15

[24] Directorate-General for Internal Policies, “Reception of female refugees and asylum seekers in the EU- Case study Belgium”, European Parliament, 2016, p.23

[25]United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, “Convention and Protocol Relating to The Status of Refugees”, UNHCR, consulted on December 5, 2020, p.14

[26]Council of Europe, “Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence- Istanbul, 11.V.2011”, Council of Europe website, consulted on December 5, 2020, p.17

[27]Ibid, p.5

[28] Hooper, Louise, “GENDER-BASED ASYLUM CLAIMS AND NON-REFOULEMENT: ARTICLES 60 AND 61 OF THE ISTANBUL CONVENTION – A collection of papers on the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence”, Council of Europe, December 2019, p.19

[29]Council of Europe, “Istanbul Convention- Action against violence against women and domestic violence- Text of the Convention”, Council of Europe website, 1st July 2019

[30]Liebig, Thomas, and Tronstad, Kristian Rose, “Triple Disadvantage ? A first overview of the integration of refugee women”, OECD, 2018, p.10

[31]Tabaud, Anne-Lise, « Explaining the main drivers of anti-immigration attitudes in Europe”, EU-Logos Athena, 4 November 2020

[32]“While 60% of refugee men entered through the asylum channel, only 38% of refugee women entered through this channel”, Liebig, Thomas, and Tronstad, Kristian Rose, “Triple Disadvantage ? A first overview of the integration of refugee women”, OECD, 2018, p.14

[33]Ibid, p. 10

[34]Ibid, p. 25

[35]Ibid, p. 31

[36] Ibid

[37] Ibid

[38]Ibid, p.32

[39]Taran, Patrick, « Migrant Women, Women Migrant Workers – Crucial challenges for Rights-based Action and Advocacy”, OHCHR, 21 July 2016, p.1

[40]Ibid

[41]Ibid, p.2

[42]Galloti, Maria, « Migrant Domestic Workers Across the World: global and regional estimates”, International Labour Organization, 2016, p.2 

[43]European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, “Severe labour exploitation: workers moving within or into the European Union”, FRA – European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2015, p.15

[44]Ibid, p.53

[45]Ibid, p.15

[46] Ibid, p.17

[47]Ibid, p.19

[48]Ibid

[49]Ibid, p.56

[50] International Organization for Migration, « Crushed hopes : underemployement and deskilling among skilled migrant women”, IOM, 2012, p. 23

[51]Li, Monica, “Integration of migrant women: a key challenge with limited policy resources”, European Commission, 12 November 2018

[52] European Commission, “COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS on a New Pact on Migration and Asylum COM (2020) 609 final”, European Commission, 23 September 2020

[53]European Institute for Gender Equality, “What is gender mainstreaming”, European Institute for Gender Equality website, 2020

[54]These two documents represent the framework to promote gender equality in the EU external action.

Cascone, Noemi, and Knoll, Anna, “Promoting Gender in the EU external response to migration: the case of the Trust Fund for Africa”, The European Center for development Policy Management, October 2018, p. 8

[55]Ibid, p.13

[56] Ibid, p.17

L’article Gender perspective in European migration policies est apparu en premier sur Le portail de référence pour l'espace de liberté, sécurité et justice.

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